On the other hand, if the research question is more exploratory (for example, trying to discern the reasons why individuals in the crack smoking subculture engage in the risky activity of sharing pipes), the more nuanced approach of fieldwork is more appropriate. The research would need to focus on the subcultural context, rituals, and meaning of sharing pipes, and why these phenomena override known health concerns. Graduate student Andrew Ivsins at the University of Victoria studied the practice of sharing pipes among 13 habitual users of crack cocaine in Victoria, B.C. (Ivsins 2010). He met crack smokers in their typical setting downtown and used an unstructured interview method to try to draw out the informal norms that lead to sharing pipes. One factor he discovered was the bond that formed between friends or intimate partners when they shared a pipe. He also discovered that there was an elaborate subcultural etiquette of pipe use that revolved around the benefit of getting the crack resin smokers left behind. Both of these motives tended to outweigh the recognized health risks of sharing pipes (such as hepatitis) in the decision making of the users. This type of research was valuable in illuminating the unknown subcultural norms of crack use that could still come into play in a harm reduction strategy such as distributing safe crack kits to addicts.
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In this view, officials at all levels have the discretion to notsanction civil disobedients, and they should use it. Prosecutors haveand should use their discretion not to press charges against civildisobedients in some cases, or to charge them with the least seriousoffense possible. Dworkin (1985) urges judges to engage in an opendialogue with civil disobedients (at least those who articulate legalarguments in defense of their actions) and dismiss their charges afterhearing them, or to use their discretion in sentencing, for instanceby accepting guilty pleas or guilty verdicts but imposing trivialpunishments. 2ff7e9595c
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